The Philistine

Archive for the 'jewish terrorism' Category


Israel, a land of intolerance

Posted by Edmund on June 23, 2008

MSNBC

Safety pins and screws are still lodged in 15-year-old Ami Ortiz’s body three months after he opened a booby-trapped gift basket sent to his family. The explosion severed two toes, damaged his hearing and harmed a promising basketball career.

Police say they are still searching for the assailants. But to the Ortiz family the motive of the attackers is clear: The Ortizes are Jews who believe that Jesus was the Messiah.

Israel’s tiny community of Messianic Jews, a mixed group of 10,000 people who include the California-based Jews for Jesus, complains of threats, harassment and police indifference.

The March 20 bombing was the worst incident so far. In October, a mysterious fire damaged a Jerusalem church used by Messianic Jews, and last month ultra-Orthodox Jews torched a stack of Christian holy books distributed by missionaries.

Israel’s Foreign Ministry and two chief rabbis were quick to condemn the burning, but the Ortiz family says vigorous police action is needed.

“I believe that it will happen again, if not to us, then to other Messianic believers,” said Ami’s mother, Leah Ortiz, a 54-year-old native of South Orange, N.J.

Proselytizing is strongly discouraged in Israel, a state that was established for a people that suffered centuries of persecution for not accepting Jesus and has little tolerance for missionary work.

Mormons refrain from missions
At the same time, Israel has warm relations with U.S. evangelical groups, which strongly support its cause, but these generally refrain from proselytizing inside Israel. Even the Mormon church, which has mission work at its core worldwide, agreed when it opened a campus in Jerusalem to refrain from missionary activity.

“Historically the core of Christianity … was ‘convert or die,’ so it was seen and is still seen as an assault on Jewish existence itself,” said Rabbi David Rosen, who oversees interfaith affairs for the American Jewish Committee. “When you are called to join another religion, you are being called on to betray your people.”

Messianic Jews consider themselves Jewish, observing the holy days and reciting many of the same prayers. The Ortiz family lights candles on the Jewish Sabbath, shuns pork and eats matzoth on Passover.

Ami Ortiz, interviewed at the Tel Aviv hospital where he is being treated, comes across as no different from any Jewish Israeli his age. He’s a sabra, or native-born Israeli, who speaks English with a Hebrew accent, has an older brother in an elite Israeli army unit and was hoping to join the youth squad of Maccabi Tel Aviv, a league-topping basketball team.

But his religion also holds that one can embrace Jesus — Ami calls him by his Hebrew name, Yeshua — as the Messiah and remain Jewish. Orthodox Jews, on the other hand, believe that the Messiah has yet to come, that he will do so only when he chooses, and that any attempt to pre-empt his coming is a grievous sin.

Rabbi Sholom Dov Lifschitz, head of the ultra-Orthodox Yad Leahim organization that campaigns against missionary activity in Israel, says Messianic Jews give him “great pain.”

“They are provoking … it’s a miracle that worse things don’t happen,” he said.

Messianic activists appear to have had some success among couples with one non-Jewish spouse, as well as immigrants from Ethiopia and the former Soviet Union who have loose ties to Judaism.

Did official encourage book-burning?
Or Yehuda, a town in central Israel with many immigrants as well as ultra-Orthodox Jews including a deputy mayor, Uri Aharon, was the scene of the May 15 book-burning.

Ami Dahan, a local police official, says hundreds of Christian religious books were burned on May 15 in an empty lot in town. He said Deputy Mayor Uzi Aharon, has been questioned on suspicion that he instructed youths to collect the books from homes where they had been distributed and told them to burn them.

Aharon denies ordering the burning. He says the books were collected from a neighborhood of mostly Ethiopian immigrants who are easily persuaded by missionaries.

“There are three missionaries who live and work in the town, and every Saturday they take people to worship and try to brainwash them,” Aharon said.

Many Messianic Jews say they recognize the sensitivities involved and do not distribute religious material or conduct high-profile campaigns. But Aharon noted a recent “Jews for Jesus” campaign with signs on buses that equated two similar Hebrew words — “Jesus” and “salvation.” Public outrage quickly forced the bus company to remove the signs.

 

Lawyer Dan Yakir of the Association for Civil Rights in Israel says the law allows missionaries to preach provided they don’t offer gifts or money or go after minors.

“It is their right according to freedom of religion to maintain their religious lifestyle and disseminate their beliefs, including through literature,” he said.

But the obstacles are evident, raised not just from religious activists but by the state.

Calev Myers, a lawyer who represents Messianic Jews, said he has fought 200 legal cases in the past two years. Most involve authorities’ attempts to close down houses of worship, revoke the citizenship of believers or refuse to register their children as Israelis. In one case, Israel has accused a German religion student of missionary activity and has tried — so far unsuccessfully — to deport her.

In incidents of violence, police are reluctant to press charges, Myers said.

The book-burning caused shock among U.S. evangelicals.

Dave Parsons, spokesman of the International Christian Embassy in Jerusalem, which represents evangelical Christian communities, said the test would be how vigorously authorities pursued the case.

“We believe there is a link to a series of incidents here in the land that involve harassment, intimidation and physical violence,” he said.

Family immigrated in 1985
The Ortiz family moved from the United States to Israel in 1985, qualifying as immigrants under Israel’s Law of Return because Leah, the mother, is Jewish. In 1989 they moved into Ariel, a Jewish settlement in the West Bank, and established a small Messianic group which now numbers 60, most of them immigrants from the former Soviet Union, according to David Ortiz, the pastor and Ami’s father.

He said that he built the community through conversations with friends and neighbors, but did not actually go door-to-door distributing religious material to strangers in the traditional sense of missionary work. David Ortiz says he has also proselytized in the Palestinian areas — prompting Islamic leaders there to warn against contact with him. Ortiz said he had “no problem” if Messianic Jews discuss their religious views with others and persuade them to believe in Jesus.

When the family began holding study sessions, a rabbi warned Ortiz not to speak about Jesus outside the home.

In 2005, fliers were distributed in Ariel warning that there were believers of Jesus in the community. One day, two men wearing the black skullcaps of Orthodox Jews knocked on the door and photographed Ortiz when he answered. Recently the photo turned up on a flier with the family’s address.

When the basket was left at the door Ami wasn’t surprised, since it was Purim, a holiday when Jews exchange gifts.

“I opened it up and I heard it and then I was on the floor and I didn’t hear anything, I didn’t see anything,” the lanky boy recalls.

Ami was in critical condition, with severe gashes in his legs and feet and one that just missed his jugular vein. His tryout for the Maccabi team was canceled.

Palestinians suspected at first
His family initially suspected Palestinians; Ariel is in the heart of the West Bank and surrounded by Palestinian towns and villages and, like most Jewish settlements, has been the target of Palestinian attacks. But police immediately told him the bomb was more sophisticated than those made by Palestinians since it contained plastic explosives.

“Nobody ever suspected that a Jewish group would do such a thing, that they would put a bomb in somebody else’s house,” David Ortiz said.

Police have since told the family that Palestinians were not behind the bombing. The family has footage from a security camera of a man delivering the package, according to a person close to the family who spoke on condition of anonymity because police say disclosing details could harm the investigation.

Police spokesman Danny Poleg would not discuss the case, saying only that no arrests have been made.

Meanwhile, the Messianic Jewish believers are taking no chances. These days they worship under the protection of an armed guard.

 

Posted in discrimination, israel, jewish terrorism, nazionism, racism, religion, terrorism, violence, zionism | Tagged: , , , , , , | No Comments »

Settlers in the West Bank don’t honor truces

Posted by Edmund on June 21, 2008

Israeli security officials said Friday that students from a far-right Jewish theological seminary at a West Bank settlement recently built a crude rocket and fired it at a nearby Palestinian village, although it failed to reach its target.

The officials said troops in the area heard a loud explosion and initially thought Palestinians were attacking the settlement of Yitzhar, where the seminary is situated. They spoke on condition of anonymity because the incident, which occurred about two weeks ago, is still being investigated by police and agents of the Shin Bet security agency.

Police spokesman Danny Poleg said detectives searched the settlement Thursday and questioned residents but made no arrests and found no explosives. He would not comment further.

The Israeli daily Maariv, which reported the incident Friday, said police believe the perpetrator probably found rocket-making instructions on the Intern

Yitzhar is a known hotbed of ultranationalist Israelis who believe that the West Bank is part of the biblical land of Israel promised to the Jewish people by God. They oppose any concessions to the Palestinians.

An instructor at the seminary was arrested in 2006 on suspicion of inciting violence against Arabs.

Yitzhar residents have repeatedly fought farmers from the Palestinian villages that surround their hilltop settlement and have clashed with police sent to supervise demolition of unlicensed buildings in the area.

In 2006, the Israeli army withdrew troops stationed at Yitzhar for its protection, citing repeated settler attacks on soldiers and destruction of military equipment.

In other news from Yitzhar

LIVELIHOOD GOES UP IN SMOKE

Palestinian olive trees burn after being set ablaze by Israeli settlers from the Yitzhar settlement on Thursday June 19 , in the West Bank village of Burin (AFP/Getty Images)

The Neo-Nazi Israeli Thugs(settlers)

Israeli settlers from the Yitzhar settlement watch after a Palestinian olive tree field was set ablaze by a group of Jewish settlers on June 19, 2008 in the West Bank village of Burin.(AFP)

A Palestinian woman reacts as Israeli settlers (unseen) from the nearby Yitzhar Jewish settlement try to set ablaze her olive tree field on June 19, 2008 in the West Bank village of Burin.(AFP)

Posted in Settlements, discrimination, gaza, genocide, israel, jewish terrorism, nazionism, occupation, palestine, palestinians, racism, violence, zionism | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , | No Comments »

Israeli teens confess their racism

Posted by Edmund on June 2, 2008

I kicked the Arab, I stepped on his head
By Uri Blau 

Dozens of teenage boys from Jerusalem received the same ICQ message: “We’re putting an end to all the Arabs who hang out in ‘Pisga’ [Pisgat Ze'ev] and the mall, whistle at the girls, curse, threaten little kids. Anyone who is Jewish and wants to put an end to all that should be at Burger Ranch at 10 P.M., and we’ll finally show them they can’t hang in our area anymore. Anyone who is willing to do that and has Jewish blood should add his name to this message.”

It would have been difficult to choose a more cynical date on which to send out such a message: Wednesday, April 30, the eve of Holocaust Remembrance Day. Dozens of boys arrived at the meeting place in the Pisgat Ze’ev shopping mall. They streamed in from all parts of the capital, some on foot, some by bus and some driven in by parents. Equipped with knives, sticks and clubs, they all had one purpose: to do harm to Arabs for being Arabs.

At the entrance, the gang encountered two boys from the Shuafat refugee camp, who had come to shop for clothes and didn’t know the mall had closed early for Holocaust Day. The day’s end saw the two battered, bleeding and stabbed, and at Hadassah University Hospital in Ein Karem.

A few days ago, an indictment was submitted to the Jerusalem District Court against 11 of the attackers - teenage boys aged 15-19. Their testimony indicates the attack was perpetrated in a society in which violence against Arabs is seen as a legitimate and necessary means by which to restore Jewish hegemony to the neighborhood.

“I study in Pisgat Ze’ev at the Teddy Kollek School,” Rafael (his and all the other teens’ names have been changed), 15, told police. “Last Tuesday began as an ordinary day. School. I returned from gym and on my way to class, I overheard some guys saying that tomorrow we would be meeting in the mall to fight the Arabs. I went home and like every day, logged on to the computer and connected to ICQ … After I talked with some people for half an hour, they sent me a message that tomorrow, on the eve of Holocaust Remembrance Day, we would meet at 10 P.M. to fight the Arabs who whistle at the girls and harass little kids. I sent the message to one person.”

Another teen, Yaron, said in his testimony: “I received a message on ICQ on the Thursday before … The day came and at 8:30 P.M. I went to my barber in Pisgat Ze’ev, Kobi Ben Haim, for a haircut. After Kobi finished cutting my hair he said, ‘Yalla, in another hour and a half we’ll screw the Arabs.’”

Ill-fated day

At the same time, in the Abu Kamal home in Shuafat in northern Jerusalem, 18-year-old Ahmed was preparing to go out. “He told me he wanted to buy clothes,” said his father Jemal. “I heard that in Pisgat Ze’ev there’s a mall, that it’s like Jaffa Road, inexpensive. I said to him, ‘Great, go, why not?’”

Ahmed is the second of 12 children. “He saw that I was having a tough time and that he had to help me, and since then he’s been working as a janitor in the Shaare Zedek Medical Center. My child is calm, none of us has a police record. We have Jewish and Arab friends, we have nothing against anyone and people in the village respect us.”

Toward evening, Ahmed left his house and when he arrived at Pisgat Ze’ev he met another teenager from the refugee camp, 16-year-old Walid. “The little Arab,” as the Jewish boys described him during their interrogation, used to walk around the area looking for jobs. When he met Ahmed that evening they decided to continue together to the mall.

In his testimony to the police, Walid said: “We were on the way to the mall to buy clothes. We arrived at about 7 P.M. When we wanted to go inside, the guard told us that everything was closed and only the clinic was open. We left the mall, entered the nearby gas station, bought food and sat in the park near the mall until 9 P.M. We were planning to return home, and on the way back we saw a big crowd near the mall.”

When Ahmed and Walid sat down to eat, the Jewish boys began to gather near the local Burger’s Bar restaurant. Rafael told police: “In the evening I took a knife from my room. I put the knife in my pocket and went out into the street.”

What did you know was about to happen?

Rafael: “A fight with Arabs … I wanted to see what was happening there.”

Why did you come with a knife?

“I go everywhere with a knife. If someone wants to buy it, I’ll have it to give to him … The knife is always with me and it doesn’t make any difference if there’s a violent activity or not. It was with me from the morning.”

You go to school with a knife, too?

“Yes. Always one.”

Rafael arrived at the meeting point with his friend Shlomi, 15. “Like a retard, I argued with him for about an hour to give me the knife. In the end I took the knife … Its handle is the size of three fingers, even less. One of those stupid little ones, just a knife,” he said in his interrogation.

The group waited for a long time at the spot, but nothing happened. “We waited for about two hours, everyone with wooden boards, bats, not a single Arab passed by,” said Shlomi.

At this point, the boys decided to move to a more strategic location, opposite the entrance to the mall. Unfortunately for the two friends from Shuafat, they had to pass the mall on the way back home. “When we passed by,” Walid said in his testimony, “a guy came over to us and told us to come over to him. He called his friend, pointed to me and said to him, ‘Is this the guy that made trouble?’ His friend said no.”

According to the police, the two young men who spoke to them were Liran Asraf, 18, and another boy, Shaul, 15. Shaul told police: “We waited for about 15-20 minutes and two Arabs arrived. I approached the big Arab and spoke to him, asked whether he was hitting on the girls. And then I threw a lit cigarette between the shoulder and neck of the big Arab. He looked at me, wanted to kill me. His eyes popped out and then he kept looking, and suddenly all the kids attacked the little one. They simply pushed him against the railing and stepped on him.”

Why did you throw the lit cigarette at the Arab?

Shaul: “Because he hit on the girls. Because the Arabs hit on the girls.”

Did he start fighting with anyone?

“No. The fact is, the first time I saw those Arabs was at the mall.”

Who was with you and what did each one do?

“I’m asking you not to show them I’m talking about them, because afterward they’ll call me an informer. What I saw was feet and jumping. The ones who were there were Rafael and his brother Naor. Yaron, who had a stick, hit him between the ribs or the head, I don’t remember exactly. Uzi jumped on his body. I more or less saw that they all jumped, kicked, stepped on him, on the Arab. The kid was a trampoline and punching bag. That’s it. I swear to you that I cried a little on the side. And then the police came and all of them ran away like ants. If the police hadn’t come after five minutes, that boy would have been done for. I came back after three or four minutes to see what was happening with him and I heard him shouting ‘Mother, Mother.’”

What happened with the big Arab?

“I didn’t look at the big one. Only at the little one because there were about 80 kids there.”

“I saw that everyone was beating the little one severely,” said Shlomi in his interrogation. “I swear to you I don’t know how he survived it. He’s 17, but he comes up to my stomach. The way he was pushed against the railing and the blows he got, I don’t know how the boy is alive. Anyone who tells you that he didn’t do anything is a liar.”

Walid only remembers that “a gang of kids, more than 80, pounced on us and they had clubs and knives in their hands and they attacked us. All I remember now is that I passed out and woke up in the hospital.”

While the boys were beating Walid like a punching bag, Ahmed was stabbed in the back. According to the indictment, those who stabbed him were Naor and his brother Rafael, who took the knife from his friend Shlomi.

“I walked toward the mall,” Ahmed told Haaretz. “But I didn’t go inside, I passed by the entrance to the plaza and there was a large group of guys there, they were just standing there and I walked among them at the side of the road. I heard them talking among themselves and they said something like, ‘Is it them? Is it them?’ and then someone stabbed me in the back with a knife, threw me down and continued to beat me. One guy bit my ear. I don’t know how I managed to get up, but I got up and ran away. They chased me and threw stones. I continued to run and started to lose my breath because of the injury and the running, until I couldn’t go on.”

Shlomi told police he had tried to stab Ahmed, but he said his “stupid little” knife broke. “When the Arabs came and they started beating them, like an idiot I got near his leg and the knife broke and nothing happened to the boy, not even a hole. You can even check his legs.”

‘Holes in his back’

What part did brothers Naor and Rafael play in the incident?

Shlomi: “Naor stabbed the big Arab … The Arab was standing, Naor was behind him, the Arab started to advance and Naor came at him with a kitchen knife with a black handle and afterward I saw the Arab running with holes in his back and his whole jacket was full of blood. I saw it clearly.”

Naor denied these things in his interrogation and claimed, “I gave him two kicks and ran away. That’s all.”

Another boy who was present, Ya’akov, 16, said in his interrogation that “these were two groups that split up. Each one attacked a different Arab, but most of the chaos was where I was looking. At least 20 kids hitting and lots of others, 100, standing on the side … I saw one heavy one, a fat face with a beard and stubble, he was holding a board like a construction board, 60 centimeters long. I heard someone, I couldn’t tell who, saying ‘Move for a second, move,’ and then he came and hit the Arab on the head with the stick. The Arab held his head after a second and shouted ‘ay’… Aside from the stick, I saw that they punched him hard, hit him. And then he started running toward the gas station.”

What did you do?

Ya’akov: “Nothing. I won’t lie to you. I didn’t touch them. I only watched along with others who were hitting.”

Did any of the minority group members attack anyone?

“What do you mean by minority group members?”

Arabs.

“I didn’t see them attacking anyone. The truth is they couldn’t because of the large number of kids who were there.”

Why did it happen?

“Probably because they’re Arabs. What else could it be? Before it happened they sent me a message on ICQ that anyone who’s a real Jew should come at 10 P.M. on Holocaust Day to the Burger Ranch at Pisgat Ze’ev. I saw from a distance there were a lot of people and then I remembered the message and I went to see what had happened.”

Kobi Ben Haim, the barber who according to Yaron’s testimony exulted at the opportunity “to screw Arabs” said in his interrogation that he “went down with a friend of mind for a stroll after work … I approached the place where the fight was going on and then he [Ahmed] punched me. I said to him, ‘What are you doing? What are you doing?’ And then I punched him in his left arm and kicked him on the left side of his face and arm.”

Why should the guy punch you if you don’t know him and have no quarrel with him?

Ben Haim: “I don’t know. Maybe because the people had jumped on him and he thought that I jumped on him. Ask him that, not me.”

The group beating of the two teenage boys ended only when a police van approached the site by chance. The boys left Walid lying on the road bleeding, and fled. Ahmed, who managed to escape, says, “I began to try to ask for help and I couldn’t find people I could talk to, because I don’t speak Hebrew. Until in the end I saw someone who spoke Arabic and asked him to call an ambulance, and he called and ordered an ambulance that came and took me.”

The log of Magen David Adom emergency services and the hospital emergency room describe the events laconically: “Manner of transportation to the incident: urgent,” “wounded after a fight,” “temple pulse: 104,” “hematoma under right eye,” “shortness of breath,” “stabbed by a knife in two places on the back part of the chest cavity,” “cut in the right ear lobe,” etc.

Meanwhile, at his home in Shuafat, Jemal Abu Kamal had difficulty falling asleep. “I waited for Ahmed to come home, I didn’t really sleep,” he says. “At almost 1 A.M. I heard the phone ring. I got up and went immediately to look and I saw the boy wasn’t in his bed. I said ‘God forbid, something happened. Maybe something happened to the boy.’ I answered the phone and they said, ‘Shalom, we’re speaking from Hadassah Ein Karem. Your son is such and such.’ I, in such a situation, my heart fell. I said, ‘What happened?’

“They brought an Arab doctor to the phone who told me, ‘Don’t be frightened, but you have to come.’ I asked how the boy was doing. He said, ‘Come to us, with God’s help it will be all right.’ I went crazy. I went to the fifth floor and there I saw they were helping him, they had opened places in his stomach in order to take out blood and air.”

At the same time, the boys suspected of the attack began to return home. In an examination of the phone records of those involved in the affair the police discovered among other things the following messaging between two of them, from 4:40 A.M.:

“Bro, did you see what happened yesterday?”

“Yeah, yeah bro, I kicked the Arab. I stepped on his head.”

“Hahaha. Yes, aha.”

“Bro, speak to everyone, we’ll do another one like that!!”

“To make it short, the police came. Balagan. Wait for a month, so things will calm down, we’ll do another one. Now keep quiet bro, don’t talk about it, so nothing will be spilled to the police, you know.”

“Aha, okay bro.”

“Never mind, soon there’ll be another one.”

Boredom and violence

To identify the attackers, the police investigators from the juvenile division of the Zion district used footage from security cameras at the mall. The suspects turned out to be “ordinary” boys, without criminal records, who study at well-known schools in the city. Some said their participation in the incident was a result of peer pressure. “Because of that pressure, you either have to join them or fight with them,” says a boy of 15, who is friendly with the teens but who wasn’t involved in the incident. “Nobody wants to be a social outcast and fight with them all the time, so you join them. Apparently they were bored, because there really isn’t much to do.”

Only few of the accused expressed sorrow and regret. “It’s strange, because it wasn’t planned,” said Shlomi. “I didn’t come to hurt anyone, but things developed. You see a lot of people there and that’s it. I came there like some kind of idiot. I’m sorry and I want to continue studying. That’s my future.”

Superintendent Eyal Goren, who is in charge of the investigation, says they soon discovered this was not another case of routine juvenile violence but an unusual incident of racist-nationalist proportions. “In Pisga, there are occasionally unpleasant encounters between minority members and Jewish youth. There are incidents of violence, harassment on both sides, but we have never seen this kind of organized activity,” says Goren. “The incident was very violent and unusual. The preliminary organization is unusual, the fact that people who don’t necessarily know each other came there, and that the younger ones were those who committed the more serious crimes.”

Who was behind the first ICQ incitement? Attorney Rafi Merkavi, who represents brothers Rafael and Naor, says the message was sent out on the Web site of an extremist right-wing group associated with the Beitar Jerusalem soccer team. Goren insists that no connection was found with Beitar members and he refuses to say whether the police succeeded in discovering the source of the message.

During the course of the investigation it turned out that many had received another ICQ message, similar to that received before Holocaust Day, which called on them to gather for the same purpose on the eve of Memorial Day. During his interrogation, Shaul said, “I heard a rumor that on the eve of Memorial Day there would be a meeting, the same thing again, to hurt Arabs. I knew the police would figure it out, but I didn’t think they would get to me and surprise me.” Shlomi said, “There are going to be 200 kids there because they’re going to fight with Arabs again. If you don’t stop it now it will be a regular thing.” Goren says that the investigation prevented the additional attack from occurring.

Two days ago, the Supreme Court decided to release all those who remained in custody to house arrest. Attorney Reuven Hamburger, who is representing Liran Asraf and Shaul, says the suspects have to go back to school. He says that “keeping these boys at home with nothing to do is the thing that is liable, God forbid, to lead to another incident.”

Attorney Yehuda Shushan, who represented three of the accused during the proceedings, said that “there is no doubt that this incident must be dealt with from an educational point of view, but at the same time each suspect should be judged according to his individual level of involvement.”

Anat Asraf, Liran Asraf’s mother, says her son is the victim. “My son has no criminal record and happened to be there out of curiosity, like 200 other children. In two and a half months from now he is supposed to be drafted and to serve the country. We did not educate our children in ‘underground racism’ as the police presented it, but to stick on the straight and narrow. He was overcome by curiosity. I think that he was arrested without any wrongdoing on his part.”

Two Arab boys ended up in the hospital.

Asraf: “Look, I’m not in favor of it and we always told the children that if they see something, even between one Jew and another, they should stay out of it. But my son is a victim of the state. Why? Because they came and pulled him out of the house in a way that I don’t know how to describe to you. How does an investigator come and inflict a police record on such a boy? A wonderful boy, a good boy. They’ve stigmatized him. To what extent can you incriminate a group of children without proof?”

Doesn’t it bother you that Liran went to look at Arabs being beaten up?

“We didn’t know, and had we known I promise you that I wouldn’t have let him leave the house. The judge said: ‘Where were the parents?’ Really, if a child says that he’s going to a party, do we know where he’s going? One mother told me yesterday that her son told her he was going to see a film about the Holocaust.”

Rafael and Naor’s father is concentrating on keeping his family together. “It’s very difficult for us. I’m trying to preserve the family unit somehow.”

Can you understand where it came from?

“The incitement to gather some 150 children near the mall was horrifying, and that’s what convinced them to come there and try to ‘clean up’ the neighborhood. I understand that the police have yet to discover who spread the message. Had there not been a message, you wouldn’t have seen a single child in the street. There are a lot of problems in Pisga and in my opinion they’re sweeping them under the rug. There isn’t a week when something doesn’t happen here. To my great regret, it happened on the least suitable day. Without any relation to the trial, we for our part are trying to find therapists who will treat both the children and us as parents.”

The Pisgat Ze’ev mall is in the heart of the Jewish neighborhood that was built in the mid-1980s in northern Jerusalem, beyond the Green Line, and about 50,000 people live there now. Jews and Arabs, secular and religious sit in cafes and shop at the supermarket and other stores. One of the store owners said that “60 percent of the mall’s revenue comes from the Arab population.”

Still, you won’t hear many people condemning the attack on the Arab teens here. “This is a Palestinian mall,” says a 15-year-old sitting with his friends on a stone bench in front of the mall. “About 90 percent of those who enter it are Arabs.”

Under threat

The female security guard at the entrance to the mall says that “Arab children or teenagers come here, go up to the top floor and spit down. Sometimes they whistle at the girls, harass them.”

Next to her sits a man in his twenties. Until recently, he worked as a security guard in the mall and he is very familiar with the neighborhood. He heard what happened here on the eve of Holocaust Day and doesn’t hide his satisfaction. “The police don’t do anything and the time has come for someone to take the law into his own hands. It’s a very good thing.”

He describes incidents when Arabs beat up Jews and nothing was done. “Look, here,” he says, pointing at a bus stop. “About seven kids asked a Jew for a cigarette. He didn’t give it to them and they beat him up. Whey aren’t they tried? Why aren’t their pictures identified by security cameras?”

Attorney Merkavi, formerly the chair of the Pisgat Ze’ev Community Administration and presently a member of its board of directors, explains: “It’s impossible to divorce what happened from the fact that something happened around this plaza. It bothered them that the Arabs would come and hit on the girls here. There’s the fear that these girls will be enticed. They give them cigarettes and who knows if it doesn’t go further than that?”

So it’s a hormonal thing?

Merkavi: “Yes. They don’t want the Arabs to come and hit on the Jewish girls. Who knows what else develops there.”

Do you want to stop them from hitting on the girls?

“Yes. That’s the point, because that’s what incites this plaza. At the same time, we’re working to explain that it’s forbidden to take the law into one’s own hands and to conduct such a pogrom.”

Can’t the girls decide for themselves if they’re willing to have someone hit on them?

“Listen, that’s dangerous. These are girls aged 15-18. I don’t have to explain to you what temptations there are.”

Does it bother you?

“My personal viewpoint is less important. It’s important to me to conceal my viewpoint, especially as a lawyer.”

Last Monday, 11 P.M. Three young men sit on a dark staircase in Pisgat Ze’ev and talk. The photographer and I ask to speak to them. It’s hard to mistake the smell of marijuana wafting from their direction. I introduce myself as a journalist and they ask to see my ID. Afterward, one says his sister can’t walk in the street without Arabs whistling at her. Another says he advises his younger brother not to walk by himself in Pisga, for fear that he’ll be attacked by Arabs.

The three are well versed in the affair, leaving almost no doubt they are connected to the gang. They know the names of all the suspects and their lawyers and when exactly each legal proceeding took place. Suddenly they notice my recording device and become belligerent. Under threat, I am forced to let them hear the last recording to make sure they weren’t taped. I erase the recordings, but they aren’t satisfied. The photographer wants to call the police, and within seconds one starts chasing him.

“Catch him,” he shouts to the other two. They obey, grab me, kick me and throw me onto the stone plaza. “Yalla, get out of here,” they shout at us, adding a hard kick for good measure.

Now all that’s left is to imagine how Ahmed and Walid felt when they were attacked not far from there by dozens of boys.

Abu Kamal says his son is in very bad shape. “He got a blow to the head and now he gets up three or four times a night. He’s afraid, sometimes he cries. He was emotionally damaged and that’s the worst kind of damage. Now his condition is not so good and I can’t leave him. I’m afraid he’ll get up and throw himself out of the window at night.

“I have a lot of Jewish friends,” he explains. “And until now I’ve been telling my children that a human being is a human being. This is a small place and we have to live together. Now I tell him not to be afraid, that it happens, that even among Jews there are such things, that God has written this down. It’s little people who did this, maybe they have an illness. But he’s afraid and I don’t know what to do.”

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/988477.html

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Absentee’s Property Laws = Discrimination

Posted by Edmund on May 5, 2008

Most people who claim to know things about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have never heard of these laws, and why would they? Many “scholars” simply ignore the foundation of Israel as a nation and simply begin to talk about the anti-semitic nature of Arab culture and how Islam is unable to accept the freedoms of the West. The Absentee’s Property Laws are something that rival the Jim Crow Laws that used to be in place in the United States. I would argue even worse.

‘Absentees’ property’ laws were several laws which were first introduced as emergency ordinances issued by the Jewish leadership but which after the war were incorporated into the laws of Israel. These laws were passed in an effort to gain as much land from the indigenous people as possible while circumventing International Law. Here are the Absentee’s Property Laws as they passed and enforced :

FULL TEXT OF LAWS

So lets break this down piece by piece. The first section defines “absentee” as anyone who lived in British Mandate Palestine and held citizenship to any of the following countries :Lebanon, Egypt, Syria, SaudiArabia, Trans-Jordan, Iraq or the Yemen. It also extended this terminology to anyone who was in one of these countries or in any part of Palestine outside the area of Israel, or was a Palestinian citizen and left his ordinary place of residence in Palestine during, before or after Israel’s war of independence. Notice how this law did not apply to Immigrants or land owners residing in non-Arab countries. So if a British citizen had owned land in Palestine, he would not be subject to this law. People who lived in Palestine were, and we can assume a vast majority of them were of Arab ethnicity and from any number of different religions (at least 5 large ones). (Click Here for Story about land given back to British Owner)

The definition of “absentee” in the law was framed in such a way as to ensure that it applied to every Palestinian or resident in Palestine who had left his usual place of residence in Palestine for any place inside or outside the country after the adoption of the partition of Palestine resolution by the UN.

So these people had left their homes for numerous reasons during this time period. The reason cited most often by survivors of the time was for safety. There was, of course, a war going on in the immediate area and like all peace loving civilians, they fled to safer regions to protect their lives and the lives of their children. Can anyone blame them after hearing about the massacres at Deir Yassin, Al-Tantura, and the Lod/Ramla killings?

These people had their homes and land taken from them and put into the custody of the The Minister of Finance who can appoint inspectors to designate whether a house has an absent owner. Once declared absent every right an absentee had in any property shall pass automatically to the Custodian at the time of the vesting of the property; and the status of the Custodian shall be the same as was that of the owner of the property. Meaning that if you were Arab and not home (because a war perhaps) you no longer had any rights to your property. Furthermore:

The fact that the identity of an absentee is unknown shall not prevent his property from being absentees’ property, vested property, held property or released property.

This part was created to ensure that no knowledge or documentation would be necessary when confiscating the land.

Now we can move onto those Palestinians who chose not to leave their homes.

Where vested property of the category of immovable property is occupied by a person who, in the opinion of the Custodian, has no right to occupy it, the Custodian may confirm such fact by a certificate under his hand describing the property. The certificate shall have the effect of a judgment in favour of the Custodian for the expulsion of the occupier of the vested property.

So, even if you chose to stay in your home and tend to your land the Israeli government could arbitrarily expel you from your home and claim it under these laws.  Sub-Section A under this heading also states that any homes deemed to be immovable and built without the authorization of the Minister of Finance should be demolished (no matter if the home was built before the foundation of Israel).

Section 35 of the law states that any Israeli citizen who fails to report land that is not currently occupied by its owner is subject to two years imprisonment and a fine of 500 pounds (remember this is 1947-1951).

As a result, two million dunams were confiscated and given to the custodian, who later transferred the land to the development authority. This law created the novel citizenship category of “present absentees” (nifkadim nohahim), that is, Israeli Arabs who enjoyed all civil rights-including the right to vote in the Knesset elections-except one: the right to use and dispose of their property”. About 30,000-35,000 Palestinians became “present absentees” - persons present at the time but considered absent.

How much of Israel’s territory consists of land confiscated with the Absentee Property Law is uncertain and much disputed. Robert Fisk interviewed the Israeli Custodian of Absentee Property, who estimates this could amount to up to 70% of the territory of Israel, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip

The absentee property played an enormous role in making Israel a viable state. In 1954, more than one third of Israel’s Jewish population lived on absentee property and nearly a third of the new immigrants (250,000 people) settled in urban areas abandoned by Arabs. Of 370 new Jewish settlements established between 1948 and 1953, 350 were on absentee property (Peretz, Israel and the Palestinian Arabs, 1958).

The Land Acquisition (Validation of Acts and Compensation) Law, 5713-1953 legalised expropriations (retroactively in many cases) for military purposes or for the establishment of (Jewish) settlements.

The law allows the Government to claim the property of lands which are not in the possession of its owner as of 1 April 1952. Article 2 (a) states:

Property in respect of which the Minister certifies by certificate under his hand–

(1) that on the 6th Nisan, 5712 (1st April, 1952) it was not in the possession of its owners; and
(2) that within the period between the 5th Iyar, 5708 (14th May, 1948) and the 6th Nisan, 5712 (Ist April 1952) it was used or assigned for purposes of essential development, settlement or security; and
(3) that it is still required for any of these purposes

The Prescription Law was first enacted in 1958 and amended in 1965. It repeals critical provisions of, and reverses British practices in relation to, the Ottoman Land Code (1858).

According to COHRE and BADIL (p. 44), the Prescription Law is one of the most critical to understanding the legal underpinnings of Israel’s acquisition of Palestinian lands. Although not readily apparent in the language of the law, the purpose behind this legislation was to enable Israel to claim as ‘State lands’ areas where Palestinians still predominated and where they could still assert their own claims on the land (for example, in the north of the country). The authors claim that this law, in conjunction with the Land (Settlement of Title) Ordinance (Amendment) Law, 5720-1960, the Land (Settlement of Title) Ordinance (New Version), 5729-1969 and the Land Law, 5729-1969, was designed to revise criteria related to the use and registration of Miri lands – one of the most prevalent types in Palestine – and to facilitate Israel’s acquisition of such land.

Under this law, farmers are required to submit documentation proving uninterrupted cultivation of designated plots of land

over a 15-year period (the ‘prescription’ period). Article 5 states:

The period within which a claim in respect of which an action has not been brought shall be prescribed (such period being hereinafter referred to as “the period of prescription”) shall be

(1) in the case of a claim not relating to land - seven years;
(2) in the case of a claim relating to land - fifteen years or, if the land has been registered in the land register after settlement of title in accordance with the Land (Settlement of Title) Ordinance(1), twenty-five years.

The law adds the proviso that lands purchased after 1 March 1943 would be subject to a 20-year verification period. The law also specifies a five-year hiatus between 1958 and 1963 that would not be counted toward this ‘prescription’ period. According to COHRE and BADIL, by 1963, much of the lands in question had still not been surveyed. Therefore, calculations of the requisite 20-year verification period were in effect halted, and the State was in a position to press its own claims to these lands. The authors consider that the Prescription Law had even more complex ramifications. For example, Israel decided that British aerial photographs of 1945 would be used to verify cultivation. Arab farmers who had not yet begun tilling their lands at the time the photographs were taken found they were by definition unable to meet the requisite 15-year ‘prescription’ period. Also, as Israel did not accept other evidence of cultivation, such as tax records, many Palestinians fell victim to a ‘Catch-22’: in the process of trying to establish their legal ownership they (retroactively) lost their lands.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Land_and_Property_laws_in_Israel#The_.27Absentees_Property_Law.27

Here is a somewhat complete list of the villages taken over and demolished during the enforcement of these laws (ie: The past 60 years)

District of Acre

District of Baysan